The EU Parliament will approve the new von der Leyen Commission this week – Euractiv

The European Parliament is expected to approve a new team of EU commissioners for a five-year term on Wednesday (November 27), ending three weeks of political intrigue that threatened to stall EU policymaking until next year.

The 26 appointed commissioners have already been individually approved by various parliamentary committees, and in July the legislature confirmed European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. But a vote by the full Commission is still needed at the “plenary” meeting of parliament in Strasbourg to seal the deal.

A bizarre political spat between parliament’s centrist political groups meant this week’s vote was barely on the plenary agenda. A loose agreement reached last Wednesday (November 20) between the leaders of the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP), the centre-left Socialists and Democrats (S&D) and liberal group Renew allowed the final seven appointed commissioners to be confirmed. , setting the stage for this week’s vote.

But with some factions among these groups opposed to the deal – particularly within the Social Democratic Party – von der Leyen may have to rely on the support of lawmakers in other groups, such as the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) right, to get her new commissioner team through on the line.

In addition to voting on the composition of the next commission, parliament will also discuss the EU budget for 2025, the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, Europe’s economic competitiveness and other topics.

Beyond the parliamentary agenda, several candidates vying to replace Ireland’s Emily O’Reilly as European ethics ombudsman will also be in Strasbourg trying to drum up support. EU lawmakers will have the chance to formally question the six candidates in early December and will elect a new ombudsman at their next plenary meeting.

EPP looks to the right

Although von der Leyen’s second commission is likely to be approved this Wednesday, there is still concern among some factions within the S&D and the EPP who believe the leaders’ agreement reached last week does not resolve the complex dispute.

The spat resulted in seven potential commissioners being essentially held to ransom, although only three of them were directly opposed by political groups.

And at the heart of the dispute lies a subject that has little to do with any of the new commission members.

The EU elections in July strengthened right-wing parties in the European Parliament, including both the EPP and more radical parties further to the right. This means that for the first time the EPP, long the largest group in the EU legislature, does not always have to rely on the cooperation of liberal and left parties to pass policy.

The center-right giant now has the ability to occasionally create a right-wing majority to advance a more conservative agenda and only work with the left when it is convenient. In other words, the new balance of power makes the EPP more powerful than ever.

The EPP wasted no time in demonstrating the effectiveness of its newfound freedom, most recently passing amendments to the deforestation law against the wishes of liberal and left-wing groups.

Last week’s agreement appears, on its face, to commit the EPP to continuing to work with moderate forces.

But the EPP always planned to do this anyway, and the deal does not stop the group from reaching out to its right-wing neighbors when it sees an opportunity.

For some delegations within S&D, this is not enough, even if the group’s leadership supposedly supports the situation. Lawmakers from the S&D delegations of France, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg expressed their dissatisfaction.

Circular execution

In addition to the EPP’s shifting alliances, the run-up to Wednesday’s final vote was also marked by opposition to three commissioner-designates, two of whom are set to become executive vice-presidents of the Commission.

Although the leadership of the three main groups now officially supports all candidates, unease remains among the political families of the wider church they lead.

For example, members of the Spanish delegation of the EPP – the conservative People’s Party – oppose the appointment of Teresa Ribera, who was nominated to the Commission by Spain’s socialist government.

Von der Leyen wants to make Ribera executive vice-president for a “clean, fair and competitive transition”, which is part of the EU’s green agenda.

But the People’s Party has tried to blame the deaths of more than 200 people in recent flooding in Valencia, eastern Spain, on Ribera, who is now the country’s climate minister.

Meanwhile, Spanish socialists point the finger at the regional government in Valencia, which is controlled by the People’s Party.

The EPP leadership abandoned its opposition to Ribera in an agreement reached last week, but the group’s Spanish contingent remains unwilling to give up.

Meanwhile, several S&D delegations oppose the appointment of Italian Raffaele Fitto as Vice-President of the Commission. Fitto’s candidacy was put forward by the country’s outspoken Prime Minister, Georgia Meloni.

Fitto, who is a member of Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party, is seen by many in the European Parliament as a far-right candidate. Although Italy, like all EU countries, has the right to choose its own candidate for the Commission, opponents argue that Fitto should not receive the title of executive vice president.

On the left there is similar opposition to Oliver Varhelyi, the country’s right-wing prime minister-elect, Viktor Orban.

Unlike Fitto, Varhelyi does not intend to become vice-president of the Commission and is already an active commissioner. However, his opponents are keen to minimize his responsibilities as Commissioner for Human Health and Animal Welfare.

Last week’s agreement aimed to clip his wings by transferring responsibilities – some real, some imagined – from Varhely to Hadja Lahbib, the Belgian commissioner appointed for preparedness, crisis management and equality.

The most significant transfer of power is responsibility for the Health Emergency Preparedness and Response Authority (HERA), an agency created in the wake of the pandemic to stockpile vaccines, therapeutics and other countermeasures.

Lawmakers also made a show of stripping Varhelyi of his non-existent influence over abortion law, which is controlled solely by EU member states anyway, with no role for the European Commission.

Magnus Lund Nielsen and Nicoletta Ionta contributed reporting.

(Editing by Owen Morgan)