UNRWA faces uncertain path forward after Israel ban

In the center of Jerusalem’s “War Hill” stands a blue gate marked by a sign that reads “UNRWA West Bank Field Office” in bold letters. The site was crucial in 1967 when Israel won a decisive battle against the Jordanian army, ultimately securing control of Jerusalem’s Old City and the West Bank.

Following this victory, Israel signed an agreement with UNRWA allowing the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees to continue its activities in the occupied territories, with Israel committing to support its work. However, as of Monday evening, the validity of this agreement is in jeopardy – pending a new law passed by the Knesset.

On the first day back from summer recess, Israel’s parliament approved two potentially transformative laws by wide margins. These laws not only prohibit UNRWA from operating on Israeli soil, but also prohibit Israeli officials from cooperating with the agency. The measures are planned to come into force in three months.

Even UNRWA doesn’t know what will happen next.

Jonathan Fowler points to an empty, unadorned conference room. Behind him, the UNRWA logo stands out on the wall, with Fowler, a bald, bearded British citizen, as press secretary. The day after the political shock in the Knesset, silence reigned in the corridors of the building. Apparently, there are more journalists on site than employees. UNRWA staff from the West Bank have not been here for over a year; Israel has been denying them entry since October 7, 2023.

It’s a tiring day for Fowler. He has a busy schedule, so he has little respite as he explains, discusses, reassures – and checks his phone from time to time. The looming question in all of these conversations is: what now? Even he cannot give a definite answer. “We could lose this building,” Fowler says. But this, he emphasizes, does not matter. What really matters are the people who depend on the agency – the Palestinian refugees. Now their need is especially acute in the Gaza Strip.

UNRWA officially supports 5.9 million Palestinian refugees in the Israeli-occupied territories and neighboring Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. Under the organization’s mandate, refugee status is hereditary, meaning that the children and grandchildren of the original 700,000 Palestinians displaced since Israel’s founding in 1948 remain eligible for UN assistance.

UNRWA’s largest presence is in the Gaza Strip.

Much remains uncertain, Fowler explains, as implementation details of the law are still unclear. However, if Israeli officials are prohibited from contacting UNRWA, the humanitarian consequences in Gaza could be profound. For example, the organization would lose the ability to coordinate aid distribution with the Israeli military or receive cargo at the port of Ashdod, Fowler says, noting that visa denials for UNRWA staff or customs blockades could also hamper aid flows.

In the Gaza Strip, UNRWA is distributing relief supplies along with other UN agencies such as the World Health Organization and the World Food Programme, as well as private organizations. But as Fowler points out, UNRWA is the primary organization delivering humanitarian aid to people. “No other part of the UN system has a network like we have in the Gaza Strip,” he notes.

“We have about 5,000 employees still able to work,” he says. By contrast, he estimates that other UN agencies maintain only about 250 staff in the Gaza Strip, although these figures cannot be independently verified. Before the war, UNRWA employed approximately 12,000 people in the coastal region.

Deepening crisis in the West Bank

UNRWA also operates schools, medical clinics and public infrastructure in 19 refugee camps in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Over the decades, these camps have evolved from tent cities to permanent communities with durable housing structures.

If the Knesset law is strictly enforced, it could have far-reaching consequences for public services in the West Bank, which is already suffering from economic instability. UNRWA personnel may face limited access to checkpoints, and hospitals may be cut off from essential medical supplies.

Israel has announced plans to find a replacement for UNRWA within three months. In the event of UNRWA’s dissolution, Israel, as the occupying Power, would be solely responsible under international law for providing for the needs of the civilian population.

An alternative to UNRWA has not yet been found

On Monday, a key proponent of the UNRWA legislation said other organizations would take over the agency’s responsibilities during a three-month transition period and beyond. Israel’s Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) agency is reportedly developing plans, although details remain classified.

Eitan Dangot, the former head of COGAT from 2009 to 2013, expressed support for the law in an interview with reporters on Monday, citing alleged links between UNRWA personnel and militant activities. According to Dangote, already during his tenure there were reports of youths conducting military exercises at UNRWA summer camps.

Dango admits there is no clear plan in place for the eventual closure of UNRWA operations in the Gaza Strip. “Israel is behind schedule as far as the new Gaza administration is concerned.” He argues that a new order in the Gaza Strip without UNRWA or Hamas will only be viable if the Palestinian Authority (PA) is involved. The PA should take responsibility for education and health, including in the West Bank, while other UN agencies manage aid.

However, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government opposes PA participation, fearing it could pave the way for the creation of a Palestinian state, a scenario it is keen to avoid. As the three-month deadline approaches, the lack of a viable alternative to UNRWA threatens to deepen suffering in the Gaza Strip and risks plunging the West Bank into further turmoil.

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