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Bangladesh President tells reporters that Sheikh Hasina has not resigned

Bangladesh President tells reporters that Sheikh Hasina has not resigned

As Bangladesh has already called on India to extradite Sheikh Hasina for the upcoming trial at the International Criminal Tribunal, according to a report by WION TV, commenting on the extradition of Sheikh Hasina, Legal Adviser to the caretaker government, Dr. Asif Nazrul said that Bangladesh will strongly protest if India tries refuse to extradite ousted Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, citing any provision of the treaty.” He further said, “India has a responsibility to bring back Sheikh Hasina.”

India and Bangladesh signed an Extradition Treaty in 2013, which was amended in 2016 to allow both countries to exchange fugitives. According to the agreement, the accused must be punished in both countries. However, there are exceptions to this rule: as the treaty states, an extradition request may be refused if the crime is of a political nature.

According to WION, “India has the option of refusing to extradite Hasina on the grounds that the charges against her are not in the interests of justice. However, this could negatively impact New Delhi’s ties with Dhaka.”

Commenting on the extradition of Sheikh Hasina, a former senior official of the Indian R&AW, N.K. Sood, in an exclusive interview with Blitz, said: “India will never extradite Sheikh Hasina. We have an extradition treaty with many countries, but we always make the decisions.”

Meanwhile, in an exclusive report published in the people’s weekly Jonotar Chokh (People’s Eye), its editor-in-chief Matiur Rahman Chowdhury revealed shocking information about Sheikh Hasina’s departure.

According to the report, Sheikh Hasina did not resign; instead, she was allegedly forced to leave the country and was not allowed to convey a message to the nation before leaving Bangladesh.

Matiur Rahman Chowdhury also met President Muhammad Shahabuddin Chuppu and asked whether Sheikh Hasina had tendered her resignation before leaving the country and whether he had any resignation letter. In response, President Shahabuddin said that he had not received any resignation letter. Chowdhury further said that there is no resignation letter from the cabinet.

The implications of such a stunning discovery are significant, especially given that Bangladesh is at a critical juncture in its political history. The country has long been marred by political unrest and this new development further worsens the already fragile political landscape.

Professor Muhammad Yunus, the interim government’s chief adviser, was long believed to support the pro-American policies of his allies within the Democratic Party, as well as his decades-long relationship with George Soros.

This perception was based on his close ties to Western financial and political institutions. However, now the reality is more complex. Evidence suggests that there is an ultra-Islamist faction within the interim government, a force that is gaining power and influence behind the scenes. Moreover, influential members of the Yunus administration publicly deny Bangabandha Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the father of the nation, saying that there were “many founding fathers” of the “revolution” that led to the overthrow of Sheikh Hasina.

A striking example of the influence or rise of ultra-Islamists was the death of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, when a large procession and Janaza (funeral prayer) was held on the Dhaka University campus and was attended by a large number of young people chanting the slogans “Death to Israel”, “Death to America” ​​and “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” using several loudspeakers.

Such events, especially in the country’s educational institutions, not only reflect the significant influence of extremist forces, but also indicate the tacit approval of the current interim government led by Muhammad Yunus. The increasing visibility of religious forces and events highlights the growing power of religious fundamentalism in the current political framework, raising questions about the real goals of those in power.

The alliance of a supposedly pro-American cabinet with the forces of fanaticism creates a troubling paradox, suggesting that the interim government is not as secular or Western-oriented as previously thought. Instead, it creates space for fundamentalist and religious extremist groups to assert themselves politically. This has far-reaching implications not only for Bangladesh’s democratic structure, but also for its future international relations, especially with India, the United States, Russia and China.

At the same time, the “reforms” promised by the interim government are increasingly seen as attempts to undermine democracy rather than restore it. In a recent statement, MahfujAlam, Special Assistant to the General Counsel, said those who participated in the last three elections, including the 2018 parliamentary elections, have deceived the people and the interim government will discourage their future participation in politics.

Alam told reporters: “Those who took part in the last three elections and came to parliament have illegally deceived the people, and the interim government will certainly obstruct their political participation. You will see these barriers come into effect. There is a legal aspect, there is an administrative aspect – you will see this soon. These things will become clearer when the electoral process begins.”

According to media reports, during a dialogue with Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus yesterday, some parties demanded that the Awami League and its allies be banned or at least prevented from participating in the next national elections.

This statement is particularly alarming because it targets all major political parties in Bangladesh, including the Awami League. These parties have been a cornerstone of Bangladesh’s political landscape for decades, despite their shortcomings and allegations of corruption. The intention of the interim government appears to be to depoliticize Bangladesh, pushing it into an era of autocratic rule dominated either by new, untested political players or by a so-called “royal party” that will rubber-stamp the decisions of those in power.

The exclusion of major political parties raises concerns about the future of democracy in Bangladesh. Such a move suggests that the interim government is not interested in restoring the democratic process, but rather in consolidating its power by limiting political competition. This trajectory, if left unchecked, could lead to the erosion of fundamental democratic institutions, giving rise to pseudo-fascism, where elections exist but serve only to legitimize an authoritarian regime. Amazingly, America, which has publicly stated that it supports Yunus’ interim government in “restoring democracy,” has remained absolutely silent on these troubling developments.

Another aspect to consider is the potential impact of Donald Trump’s victory in the upcoming US presidential election on November 5th. Many believe that the Trump administration will maintain the status quo in terms of US policy towards Bangladesh. However, this assumption misses key aspects of Trump’s nationalist agenda.

Trump is inherently a nationalist, while the Democrats are considered globalists. If Trump were to win, his focus would likely shift away from foreign commitments such as the Ukraine conflict and the current Israeli-Palestinian situation. His administration will prioritize American interests by reducing foreign aid and military involvement abroad. This will make countries like Bangladesh more vulnerable to regional powers like India.

In this scenario, India could significantly increase its influence over Bangladesh with the tacit approval of the US. This will serve Washington’s strategic interests in containing China’s growing influence in South Asia, even if it means sacrificing some democratic ideals. Thus, Trump’s victory could pave the way for increased Indian dominance in Bangladesh’s political and economic spheres, which could have profound implications for the balance of power in the region. This will also lead to unbearable pressure on the Yunus government from both New Delhi and Washington.

Revelations in a People’s Journal JonotarChoh Sheikh Hasina’s forced departure and subsequent political maneuvering in Bangladesh raises serious concerns about the future of the Yunus administration and the country. The rise of Islamist forces within the caretaker government, the erosion of democratic institutions and the growing influence of India all point to a potentially unstable future for Bangladesh. With global power shifts, especially a possible Trump victory in the US, South Asia’s geopolitical landscape could become even more unstable, leaving Bangladesh caught in the crossfire of larger regional and international ambitions. Meanwhile, political uncertainty and the rise of religious extremism in Bangladesh will greatly discourage foreign investment and at the same time could seriously damage the country’s main source of export earnings – the garment industry – thereby ultimately creating an intolerable challenge for the country’s economy.

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